Semántica

En este trabajo escrito en colaboración con Isabel Pérez Jiménez se defiende la interpretación referencial de algunos SSNN escuetos (referential bare plurals) por influencia de la estructura informativa de la cláusula.

On the Referential Status of Bare Plurals. Norberto Moreno Quibén and Isabel Pérez Jiménez, (2004).

    @INCOLLECTION{Moreno2004,
    author = {Moreno Quibén, Norberto and Pérez Jiménez, Isabel},
    title = {On the Referential Status of Bare Plurals},
    booktitle = {University of Connecticut Working Papers in Linguistics – Cranberry Linguistics 2},
    publisher = {UConn. Department of Linguistics},
    year = {2004},
    volume = {12},
    pages = {39–43}
    }

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Un trabajo sobre verbos intensionales de la clase de buscar y su naturaleza cuantificacional sobre mundos posibles.

Sobre la naturaleza cuantificacional de los verbos intensionales. Norberto Moreno Quibén, (2003).

    @INCOLLECTION{Moreno2003,
    author = {Moreno Quibén, Norberto},
    title = {Sobre la naturaleza cuantificacional de los verbos intensionales},
    booktitle = {Cuadernos de Lingüística},
    publisher = {Instituto Universitario de Investigación Ortega y Gasset},
    year = {2003},
    editor = {Antonio Fábregas and Almudena Zurdo},
    volume = {X},
    pages = {55–66}
    }

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Anastasia Giannakidou: Time for mood: the subjunctive revisited

Abstract: In this paper, I examine the syntax and semantics of subjunctive clauses in Greek. An explicit compositional account is offered of the interaction between the element na, which is traditionally characterized as the subjunctive, and the tense and aspect of the clause. It will be proposed that the semantic contribution of na is temporal– it introduces the utterance time n into the syntax, which then serves as the parameter for the temporal anchoring of the verb. Introducing n is not a function specific to the subjunctive, but, I propose, the defining property of a larger class of particles in Greek, including the so-called future tha, the optative as and the conditional an ‘if’. In this frame, the futurate orientation of the subjunctive, the future, and the conditional protasis will be shown to be not an inherent semantic contribution of the particles themselves, but of the combination of their n with the verbal category that accompanies them: the perfective nonpast. This analysis, which denies the primitive status of mood as a modal category, has a number of important implications within Greek and across languages. Among these it is worth mentioning two. First, it distinguishes the semantic function of the subjunctive (i.e. to introduce na) from its pragmatic functions (i.e. to assign directive illocutionary force in main clauses, and to subordinate), and maps them onto two distinct syntactic positions: Mood0 for the former and C0 for the later. Second, it offers a unified semantics for the Greek subjunctive while also explaining, without positing ambiguity, the apparently conflicting fact that subjunctive clauses, though typically selected by nonveridical propositional attitudes, may also serve, under certain circumstances, as complements of veridical attitudes such as perception verbs.

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Tesis sobre polaridad modal y negativa en el ámbito de la gramática categorial.

Rafaella Bernardi (2002): Reasoning with Polarity in Categorial Type Logic

    Abstract: The research presented in this thesis follows the parsing as deduction approach to linguistics. We use the tools of Categorial Type Logic (CTL) to study the interface of natural language syntax and semantics. Our aim is to investigate the mathematical structure of CTL and explore the possibilities it offers for analyzing natural language structures and their interpretation. The thesis is divided into three parts. Each of them has an introductory chapter.
    In Chapter 1, we introduce the background assumptions of the categorial approach in linguistics, and we sketch the developments that have led to the introduction of CTL. We discuss the motivation for using logical methods in linguistic analysis. In Chapter 3, we propose our view on the use of unary modalities as `logical features’. In Chapter 5, we set up a general notion of grammatical composition taking into account the form and the meaning dimensions of linguistic expressions. We develop a logical theory of licensing and antilicensing relations that cross-cuts the form and meaning dimensions. Throughout the thesis we focus attention on polarity. This term refers both to the polarity of the logical operators of CTL and to the polarity items one finds in natural language, which, furthermore, are closely connected to natural reasoning. Therefore, the title of this thesis Reasoning with Polarity in Categorial Type Logic is intended to express three meanings. Firstly, we reason with the polarity of the logical operators of CTL and study their derivability patterns. In Chapter 2, we explore the algebraic principles that govern the behavior of the type-forming operations of the Lambek calculus. We extend the categorial vocabulary with downward entailing unary operations obtaining the full toolkit that we use in the rest of the thesis. We employ unary operators to encode and compute monotonicity information (Chapter 4), to account for the different ways of scope taking of generalized quantifers (Chapter 6), and to model licensing and antilicensing relations (Chapter 7). Secondly, in Chapter 4, we model natural reasoning inferences drawn from structures suitable for negative polarity item occurrences. In particular, we describe a system of inference based on CTL. By decorating functional types with unary operators we encode the semantic distinction between upward and downward monotone functions. Moreover, we study the advantages of this encoding by exploring the contribution of monotone functions to the study of natural reasoning and to the analysis of the syntactic distribution of negative polarity items.
    Thirdly, in Chapter 7, we study the distribution of polarity-sensitive expressions. We show how our theory of licensing and antilicensing relations successfully differentiates between negative polarity items, which are `attracted’ by their triggers, and positive polarity items, which are `repelled’ by them. We investigate these compatibility and incompatibility relations from a cross-linguistic perspective, and show how we reduce distributional differences between polarity-sensitive items in Dutch, Greek and Italian to differences in the lexical type assignments of these languages.

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wo’s weblog: Modal knowledge, counterfactuals and counterpossibles

Discusión acerca de si el conocimiento modal está basado en premisas contrafácticas. Básicamente, si es posible reducir la semántica de la modalidad (conocida pero no exenta de problemas) a la semántica de los condicionales irreales o contrafácticos.

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Relative Truth, Speaker Commitment, and Control of Implicit Arguments

Nuevo trabajo de Lasersohn sobre los predicados psicológicos y emotivos de carácter factivo.

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ESSLLI 2007 – Courses and Workshops

Los cursos de la 19 sesión de la ESSLLI (“European Summer School in Logic, Language and Information”) que se celebrará en Dublín están ya disponibles.

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Workshop on Argument Structrure and Syntactic Relations

Congreso sobre Estructura Argumental en el País Vasco. Además del interés científico, Vitoria en mayo es una ciudad muy agradable.

Call Deadline: February 23, 2007

Workshop on Argument Structure and Syntactic Relations

Various issues emerge from looking at the broad theme of argument structure in grammar: the role and the nature of thematic hierarchy, the relation between Case and configurationality, the relation between argument structure, case and agreement, ergativity, the structure of the VP/vP, internal aspect, etc. In other words, the ‘lower’ part of the syntax is probably the one of which we have the most unclear understanding and important discrepancies in the literature of the last years constitute evidence of that. There are quite a lot of theoretical questions concerning the architecture of the verbal domain and these questions need to be answered. Some of the questions are the following: do we need more than vP and VP, like VoiceP, ApplP, CausP, AktP, PathP, EventP etc.? Is there anything like UTAH in syntax, or do we need a more elaborate understanding of thematic roles? How should the operation Agree be defined, and which features are necessary for the description of argument structure? How is morphological case related to argument structure?, and many more.

To discuss the recent developments of morphology-syntax-semantics articulation in the VP-domain, scholars working on different aspects are invited to share their results in a 3-day workshop and discuss the current state of affairs in this field. Also, a special focus will be put on the Basque language and its implication on the topic of this workshop, argument structure. Two of our local invited speakers will contribute to this debate on Basque, which will give us a more complete general scenario of the argument structure cross-linguistically.

This Workshop on Argument Structure and Syntactic Relations will take place at the University of The Basque Country from May 23-25, 2007 at Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain. There are 12 slots of 40 minutes for selected talks. The workshop will also feature six invited speakers.

- John Bowers (Cornell University)

- Gillian Ramchand (University of Tromsø)

- Hamida Demirdache (University of Nantes)

- Jaume Mateu (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)

- Javier Ormazabal (University of the Basque Country)

- Beñat Oyharçabal (IKER-CNRS)

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We welcome submission of up to 3 page abstracts, anonymous, PDF-format, 12pt font, one column, references and examples included, on any topic related to argument structure.

Please send your abstracts to argumentstructure@yahoo.com with ”Abstract” in the header of the message. The deadline for abstract submission is February 23. Notification will be late March.

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Language Log: Headline wrangler arrested for violating the Direct Object Restriction.

Para aquellos que estén familiarizados con la sintaxis de los verbos de movimiento, una explicación precisa, divertida y breve de una de sus propiedades, la llamada “Restricción del Objeto Directo” (alias DOR -Direct Objetc Restriction). Como sabemos, el español funciona en este punto de manera distinta al inglés, de modo que no podemos obtener verbos de movimiento nuevos con la simple adición de un objeto cognado.

Sobre esta cuestión en las lenguas románicas y germánicas, Jaume Mateu Fontanals tiene un buen número de trabajos recientes y una exhaustiva tesis doctoral, Argument structure: relational construal at the syntax-semantics interface (2002, UAB, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona).

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